Haysashadda LA mustabal xumadda ka dambaysa hoos ka daawo! Dhaxalka laga dhaxlo marka "Awr kiraale" lagu daba faylo!

Suldaan Wabar oo xaqii uu iftiimiyay ku baahay Samaroon meel kasta oo ay joogto. Alle ha u gargaaro cadaalad daradda uu ka gilgishay.

AWDAL TAGTEE YAA LA EERSAN!

Ciidamadaa Hangashta Siilaanyo, waa in ay si deg-deg ah uga baxaan Magaalooyinka Quljeed iyo Boon.
Waxaan ogsoonahay in Ciidamada ku sii qul-qulaaya magaalooyinka Quljeed, Boon iyo Borama ee ah kuwa lagu magacaaabo RRU ay yihiin kuwo dawladda Ingriisku ku mushaar siiso,la dagaalanka waxa loogu magac daro, aragixiso, ha ahaadeeen argagixiso, islaam iyo kuwo kiristaan labadaba.
Balse ma aha kuwo sida siiraanyo u isticmaalaayo loogu talo galey.
Waxaanan u shegeynaa in aan cidna lagu cabsi gelin Karin damdamta ay waddaan, waxaanan ugu baaqeynaa dawlada ingiriiska in ay si taxadir leh ula socoto hawlahaa ay ku jiraan ciidankan hangshta ah ee siiraanyo sida ayda carbiska ah u isticmaalaayo. Lagana dul qaado dumarka iyo caruurta la dul keeney, ee aan rabin in indhahoodu qabtaan.
Waxaana hubaal ah in ciidan la soo dhoobaa arladan nabdoon, ay ka abuuri karaan xaalad murugsan, oo aa aan hadda la malaysan karin.
Waxa kale oo aan dawlada Maraykanka si toos ah ula socodsiineynaa  gaar ahaan wassaarada arimaha debeda in Suldaan Abubakar Cilmi Wabar uu yahay muwaadin maraykan ah isla markaana joogaa dhulkiisii lagu doortey iyo magaaladii lagu caleemo saarey. Isla markaanan mudan in xuquuqdiisa aas-aasiga ah la dhawro meel kasta oo uu aduunka ka joogaba.
Waxaaa is weydiin mudan Suldaanku hadii uu ku dhawaaqey, kama mid nihin maamulka siiraanyo, ma kabcadii ayuu gubey, miyuunse xaq u lahayn in uu go,aan ka gaadho danaha dadka uu codkooda ku hadlayo,mise xaalku waa car juuq dheh, oo afkaa la iska sharooteynayaa ama balastar la iskaga dhejinayaa ( qooleyba  qoor qabad biyo kuma qudh-qudhiyaan).
Looma dulqadan doono in dadkii gobolad galbeedka ay fadhateystaan ajaanib ajanib barkan,  kuwii lahaana ka qatannaan maayan. Gaar ahaan hawlaha ka socda baki ee ah macdan baadhista iyo sifeynta macdanta, taasi oo ah mid khasaare naf iyo maalba geysatey sida lawadda ogyahay.
Waxaana xaq u leh in ay ka faa’iideystaan khayraadka ku duugan dhulkan umada ku dhaqan geyigan.
Nidaamkan hada jira waxaa lagu yagleeley, Magaadal taariikhiga ah ee Boorama City, heshiisbaana lagu gaadhey in loo wada guntado dib u dhiska iyo maamul u sameyta gobolada waqooyi, ka dib bur-burkii dawlada Soomaaliya.
Muddo 24 sanno ah  waxay  shucuubta gobollada galbeedku u heelanaayeen taabo gelinta iyo hano qaadka heshiiskaas waxayna garbaha ku sideen oo ay aduunweynaha ka dhaadhicinayeen in loo soo joogsado fariinta maamulkaas  gaar uga baxey Soomaali weyn, waxaana cadaatey in uu naga iibsami waayey, garbihiina nagu daaleen. Sidaasi darteedna ay ummadani isku qanciyeen in ayna ka sii mid ahaan Karin nidaamkan damaca qaawan ku caan baxey.
Waxaan ummadani goosaney in ayna ku sii hoos jiri Karin, nidaamkan cida gaar ka ah u adeegaaya, ayna haboon tahay in  reer walba gobolkiisa maamusho taas wax dhaantana  la waayey.
Waxaanan ku so xidhayaa baaqeygan, odhaahda ah  wax la waayey weydoow ninkii waalanbaa u duda.
Cabdullahi M Hoori.

Ganacsade reer Khaatumo iyo wuxuu kala soo kulmay "Awr-kiraale-yaasha" SNM caloosha u buuxiso.

The Threat to Somalia’s Unity from Hassan’s Perfidy, By Mohsin Mahad

President Hassan will go down in history as the man who started his office with unparalleled nationwide goodwill no other Somali leader has ever enjoyed since independence and yet chose to betray the nation for his own personal and clannish agenda. As it turned out, his divisive, clan and corruption driven politicking have become the hallmark of his presidency from the moment he ascended his office. But for most Somali patriots and unionists, their overarching concern is his threat to Somalia’s unity arising from his sympathy for and support to the one-clan-based secessionists in northern Somalia, aka Somaliland.
Hassan’s pro-secessionist stand had shown its true colours from the outset at the first talks in Turkey between him and the leader of the secessionist enclave. That was the time when, at the stroke of his pen, with no constitutional authority, he granted Somaliland de facto equal status with Somalia and, to boot, rewarded them with give-away concessions as reflected in the communiqué. To add insult to injury, he would disingenuously claim on his return from these talks that he defended Somalia’s unity when the opposite was the case. This double talk has been his template ever since.
Of all the talks with the secessionists, none has been more damaging to Somalia and its unity under Hassan’s watch than the one held in Djibouti on 20 December 2014. The outcome of the meeting was hatched up before hand by the pro-Somaliland organisers of the meeting, namely Presidents Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud and Omar Ismail Geele. Given their shared positions, what remained was a propitious timing for this plot to be executed, a time when president Hassan would be free from any parliamentary and government challenges.

This timing presented itself when the former Prime Minister (and his government) was out of the way, ousted by President Hassan through vote-peddling parliamentarians, and when his successor and his government not yet formally in charge. It speaks for itself that President Hassan’s delegation, except for the pliant former foreign minister from Awdal, consisted entirely of members from his clan sharing his position, and none from the principal stake holders from northern Somalia – Khaatumo, Awdal and Makhir States- or from other wider Somali clans in Somalia. In crude Somali terms, this was a meeting and an anti Somalia outcome conceived by leaders not from representative mandated governments but by oligarchs (one of them masquerading as a mediator) sharing common interest and hailing from three Somali clans to the exclusion of the others.
The exclusion of other clans is all the more reprehensible when it ignores the on-going liberation struggle in northern Somalia being waged by all the four unionist clans against the occupying secessionist clan. Their cause is not only to be free of the secessionist clan’s hegemony but above all to defend Somalia’s unity. In normal times and under true Somali leaders, they could have counted on automatic support from Mogadishu. But under Hassan, it is perversely the other way round; it is the secessionists he is supporting, covertly or overtly, against the unionists for his own ends.

The first indicator to gauge Djibouti’s support for Somaliland’s aspired status as a separate country from Somalia is the reception accorded to Siilaanyo on his arrival at Djibout Airport. Needless to say, President Ismail Omar Geele went out of his way to give him a reception with all the pomp and ceremony normally reserved for a visiting head of State: red carpet, guard of honour and an immediate audience with President Geele. Siilaanyo, and for that matter no other Somaliland leader, had ever received such pomp presidential treatment until now. No wonder the normally torpid leader was animated beaming with pleasure.
The second indicator is the status given to Siilaanyo at the meeting itself. Here again, Hassan and Siilaanyo were treated as equals, addressed respectively as the President of Somalia and the President of Somaliland; in other words, two presidents representing two separate countries, brazenly in denial of the fact that Hassan is the President of the whole of Somalia including Somaliland and Siilaanyo the president of the one-clan secessionist enclave just as Abdiweli Gaas is the president of the Regional State of Puntland. Given the leaders’ shared common perspectives, the direction of the substantive discussions and the outcome of the Djibouti talk were predetermined and predictable.
Given the status that President Hassan and President Geele accorded to Siilaanyo and his enclave, Somaliland got the deal due to a favoured separate country on par with Somalia: among other things, co-hosting control of “Somalia and Somaliland’s” airspace; non-interference in what the secessionists consider their internal affairs, entailing that President Hassan and President Geele accept that the unionist regions/States of Awadal, Khaatumo and Makhir are part of Siilaanyo’s separatist kingdom, thereby legitimising his occupation of these regions and misappropriation of international humanitarian and development aid earmarked for these non-Isaaq unionist regions/states.
As observers have pointed out, every Somali State/region/clan has an air space, so what legal or constitutional basis gives one State/region/clan to claim special status over others to co-host Somalia’s air space? For once, Abdelweli Gaas of Puntland got it right when he pointed out in an interview with VOA that Puntland has a better claim than Somaliland to co-host control of Somalia’s air space given that they are part of Somalia unlike Somaliland’s secession declaration.

The Somaliland delegation had every reason to go wild over the deal they were given on a plate by Presidents Hassan and Geele. The good news had spread like wild fire to every corner of the enclave. This was received as de facto Somaliland’s recognition. With this mindset, it is difficult to believe as President Hassan does that he has changed Somaliland’s hearts and minds or that he defended Somalia’s unity at the talks. With this gain, it is unlikely that the secessions can be persuaded in future to give up what they had won from Hassan and Geele. But Hassan would always repeat his mantra every time he returns from such talks that he defended Somalia’s unity when in fact he has betrayed it. Either he reckons nobody cares or everybody is gullible.

On the positive side, the unholy alliance of the trio in Djibouti against Somalia’s unity is a sideshow bound to unravel sooner or later and come to nothing. Hassan can trot on the stage as the big man unilaterally dispensing with Somalia’s unity and territorial integrity. But the end of the day, he has no constitutional powers to act that way. It rests with Parliament to control him and where he abused his powers to make him accountable to it and to undo his misdeeds. But even if that fails, it is the determined will of the people of Khaatumo, Makhir and Awdal to remain in Somalia which will in the end defeat the secession and discredit the Djibouti conspiracy against Somalia.
No other Somali leader has been so much engulfed in scandal and shamed by the United Nations investigations as Hassan for alleged unscrupulous and unbridled malpractices. Devoid of credibility through his own actions, he remains in office not for what good he can do for Somalia but what more damage he may inflict.

Beeshi Saaxo oo dhiigoodii oo qubtay ku baratay balanqaadka reer Puntland! Dhegayso

 Lixbilood ka hor ayey beesha Puntlan u sheegtey in beesha Wagerdhac ee mareexaan ee degta degmada Saaxo ay kusoo biirto maamulkooda Puntlan. waxeyna u balanqaadey iney gaadhsiindoonto dhamaan adeegyada ayna ka difaaci doonto beesha Sacad oo ay beehsaa marwalba isku dhacaan.

Laakiin laba casho ka hor ayaa magaaladii saaxo galmudug soo weerartay sida ay ku dhawaaqeen shacabkii magaalada degenaa, laakiinse markii ay gargaar ka dalbadeen nimankey isku maamulka ahaayeen waxey ugu jawaabeen sidii caadada u ahayd garanmeyno wax maamulka Puntlan ugu dagaalamo magaalada Saaxo. Taas oo la mida maalintii ay maxaabiistii shacabka Sool beesha Isaaq kaga qabsadeen dagaalkii Adhicadeeye uu taliyihii Cabdulaahi Yuusuf ee Careys ku wareejiyey sida bilaashka ah beesha Isaaq, uuna goobtii ka jeediyey hadalkii caanbaxay ee uu yiri ” garanmaayo anaga (Majeerteen) iyo walaalahayo Somaliland (Isaaq) waxaan ugu dagaalano buurahan madmadoow (Laasacaanood) ee abaarta ah.

Welise waxaa muuqato kuwa iska dabo socda beeshaa iyagoon marna hoos u eegeyn ficilada taariikhda madaow leh ee siyaasiyiinta beeshaasu kula dhaqmeen dhamaan shacabka soomaaliyeed.

Dhegayso

Wadahadallada Soomaaliya iyo Soomaalilaand: Dhab mise Dheeldheel?

Waxaa hubaal ah in waddani kastoo Soomaaliyeed, meeluu joogo iyo qabiil uu yahayba, uu u hammuun qabo midnima Soomaaliyeed si ay ummadda Soomaaliyeed u noqoto mid ka badabaadi karta gumeysi iyo caga jugleyn, aayeheeda fogna uga tashan karto. Taas ayaana keeneysa in loo dhegtaago wadahadalla dhex mara Soomaaliya iyo Soomaalilaand. Haddaba waxaa innala gudboon, iyadoo aynu wada ogsoonnahay xaajada laysku maandhaafsanyahay, inaynu gorfayno sida ay wax u socdaan. Dhinaca aan anigu mas’aladdatan ka abbaarayaana waa muuqaalka iiga baxay siday labada dhinac garohooda u kala marsanayaan, haddiiba la orankaro waa la garramayaa.
Soomaalilaand waxay ku doodeysaa in shacabkeedu uu isku raacay inay Somaliland ahaato dal madax bannaan. Waa mawqif cad oon cidna ka dahsoonayn. Soomaaliya waxay ku doodeysaa inuu dalku mid qudha yahay, kaasoo aynu isna oran karro waa mawqif cad. Saasoo ay tahay, haddana markaad hoos u faaqiddo, waxaa kuu caddaanaysa in Soomaaliya, xilligii Sheekh Shariif iyo maantaba, habka ay dacwaddeeda u dhigaysaa uu yahay mid garteeda rasmiga ah wiiqaya, midnamada Soomaaliyana burburin kara.

Bal eegoo, waxaynu niri Soomaalilaand waxay ku doodeysaa inuu shacabkeedu ISKU RAACAY
goosashada. Halkaa waxaa ku jira saddex sheegasho: 1) in Soomaalilaand u taliso oo wakiil ka
tahay dhammaan dadka ku nool intii laysku oran jirey Somaliland; 2) in shacabka Soomaalilaand
uu isku raacay goosashada; iyo 3) in goosashadu aanay ka-noqosha lahayn.

Markaad saddexdaa qodob u fiirsato, waxaan shaki ku jirin in qodobka saddexaad uu ku qotomo
labada qodob oo hore. Haddii labada qodob oo hore ay burburaanna, ay qadiyaadda goonni-isutaagga
Soomaalilaand burburayso.

Haddaba waxa isweydiinle: Maxay Soomaaliya ka qabtaa labada qodob ooy dacwadda Soomaalilaand ku qotonto oo halbawlaha u ah?

Anigu, shakhsiyan, ma ogi waxay labadaa qodob (oo kala ah in Soomaalilaand u taliso oo wakiil
ka tahay dhammaan dadka ku nool intii laysku oran jirey Somaliland, iyo in shacabka Soomaalilaand uu isku raacay goosashada) Madaxweyne Sheekh Shariif iyo Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxammuud ka yiraahdeen. Waxaase ii cad in habka ay labada Madaxweyne ula dhaqmeen Soomaalilaand ay markay u yaraato muujinayso garasha li’i, haddaanay garasha li’i ahayna ay tahay mid daacadnimo iyo waddaninimo ka arradan.

Muwaddiniinta Soomaaliyeed waa inay fahmaan inay xaajadani, waa goonni-isutaagga Soomaalilaand eh, tahay mid qaanuuni iyo akhlaaqi (moral) labadaba ah. Qaanuuniyan iyo akhlaaqayan, dhinacaad ka eegtoba, mawqifka Soomaaliya oo iska indhatiraya labadaa qodob waa mid fashal weyn keeni kara, ama markuu u yaraado xaajadaa daba dheerayn kara. Waa mare, qaanuuniyan, waa tanaasul aad u weyn oon wax lagu helay aanay jirin. Waa midda kalee, akhlaaqiyan, waxay xadgudub iyo meel-ka-dhac aad u weyn ku tahay qaybaha ka midka ah shacabka Soomaaliyeed oo iyagoo aan raalli ka ahayn lagu qasbayo goosashada.

Waxay oraah Ingiriisi ahi tiraahdaa: The best defense is a strong offense. Wuxuu Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh xaq u leeyahay inuu Soomaalilaand kula doodo maammulidda goballada Woqooyi oo Dawladda Dhexe laga taageersanyahay. Adduunka laguma arag dal qayb ka midi ay rabto inay go’do oo qaybtaasi ay qayba kaloon lawadaagin go’itaanka ku darsanaysao go’itaankeeda, haddana Dawladdii laga go’ayey aanay taa waxba ka oran, oo aadba mooddo inay saa raalli ka
tahay.

Soomaalidu waxay ku maahmaahdaa: Sida walaalahana wax isu siiya, sida cadaawahana u xisaabtama. Dawladda Soomaaliyeed waxaa la gudboon inay si dhab ah, oo xilkasnima leh, arrinakan u waajahdo. Debeca iyo tanaasulka ay hadda samaynaysaa waa caqabado dhowaan hor iman doona. Way adkaan doontaa wixii shalay la yeelay (qawl iyo ficil midkii la doonaba ha lagu yeelee) in berri laga noqdo.

Runtii xaajadani way ka weyntahay mid lagu halleeyo shakhsi, Madaxeyneba ha ahaadee, amaba
koox kooban. Waa arrin halbowle ah oo horseedi kara burbur ku yimaadda Soomaaliyada Koofureed laf ahaanteeda. Waxaynu ku jirraa marxalad xasaai ah. Weli ma jirto kalsooni buuxda oo madaxda Dawladda lagu wada qabo. Waxaana ii muuqda inaanay Dawladdu u bislayn wadahadal wax-ku-ool ah ooy la gasho Soomaalilaand. Sidaa darteedna waxaan ku talinayaa:
IN LA HAKIYO WADA HADALLADA U DHEXEEYA SOOMAALIYA IYO SOOMAALILAAND LANA SAARO GUDDI ISU DHEELLI TIRAN XAGGA AQOONTA, WAAYA-ARGANIMADA, IYO MATELAADDA SHACABKA OO KASOO TALA BIXISA SIDA LOO WAAJAHAYO DIB-U-MIDAYNTA SOOMAALIYA.

Ma arko sabab uu Madaxweynuhu isugu soo koobo talada wada hadallada, waana inuu
feejignaan gaar ah u yeeshaa siyaalaha loo fasiran karo dhabbada uu hadda ku taaganyahay oo la
mida tii uu Sheekh Shariif ku taagnaa.

Ugu dambyna, haddaan dib ugu soo noqdo su’aasha ah:
Wadahadallada Soomaaliya iyo Soomaalilaand: Dhab mise Dheeldheel?
waxay aniga ila tahay, Soomaalilaand waa ka dhab, Soomaaliyase waa ka dheeldheel.
Maxammuud Cali Geeldoon
Medical Physicist
mgaildon@aol.com