Wednesday, December 25, 2013
Xitaa Sawirkii bay ku bahdileen!
Bal is barbar dhiga ragan iyo sawiradda ay reer Puntland soo bandhigeen? Xitaa sawirka ayay ku bah dileen kan Cali Shire dhalay. Bal qoodh & xero sawirka lagu xayaysiinayo foolxumadiisa daya? Slogan muxuu ka dhigtay? "Midnimadda Puntland waa muqadas" Midnimadda uu ka hadlayaa ma Taleexdii uu reerka ku xasuuqay baa? Ileem meel kale oo reer SSC ah isaga iyo PL midna kama taliyaane? Ag fadhi weeye Faroole-Af Qashuush kursi ku doonanayo. Sheekh Yaasiin baa runta u sheegay. Laakiin nin fikirkiisa u xor ah baa hadal wax taraaye nin calooshu hogaamiso hadal wax ma taro.
Thursday, December 19, 2013
Out of sight out of mind:The Second Taleh Massacre
It is strange how two events with the same bloody outcome can garner
different reactions from the world community. The first event took place
in Nairobi and resulted in the massacre of 67 innocent civilians whose
only guilt was to be in the wrong place at the wrong time. The second
event took place in a remote area of the Somali republic known as Taleh
and resulted in the massacre of 8 innocent civilians, the injury of
another 8, the destruction of residential units with heavy artillery and
the displacement of thousands to areas that lack the most basic
amenities. The only guilt that these innocent civilians committed was to
support the convening of a Congress for the clans that call home a
swath of land popularly known as Sool, Sanag and Ayn and more recently
‘Khatumo”. Even the Federal Government in Somalia failed to address the
issue properly, considering it as a fight between two related clans
although the perpetrators clearly admitted their responsibility in the
media.
The Story of Taleh
The Somali freedom fighter Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan selected Taleh as the base for his 21 years of relentless struggle against the British colonialists that controlled most of the coastal areas of Northern Somalia. He built his famous fort in Taleh and directed his numerous expeditions from there. The fort was home to thousands of his followers and was eventually destroyed in 1920 by aerial bombardment. Thousands of non-combatants died in the indiscriminate bombing and thousands more perished because of starvation and disease. What happened to the Mao-Mao in Kenya who are now seeking compensation from the British is dwarfed by the death and destruction levied upon Taleh and tis inhabitants. Just like other nations in this world including the United States, the people of Taleh and many other areas in Somalia sacrificed their lives for a country free from the shackles of colonization by foreign powers.
The Politics of Taleh
After the collapse of the Somali government, the three rebel movements that destroyed Somalia and yet failed to agree on forming a national government, resorted to establishing clan-based enclaves known as the “Lands”. The Somali National Movement (SNM) created an enclave known as Somaliland which is dominated by one Clan. The Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF) created an enclave known as Puntland which is dominated by another clan. The third rebel movement, the United Somali Congress (USC) failed to establish a “land” but enjoyed the focus of the international community because of its control of Mogadishu, the Somali Capital.
The clans in Sool, Sanag and Ayn, an area between Puntland and Somalialnd faced a real dilemma. On the one hand, they share the same clan name with the sub-clans that dominate Puntland while they share a common colonial legacy with the clans that dominate Somalialnd. The Sool, Sanag and Ayn clans also share common grazing lands and major cultural and linguistic traits with the Somaliland clans. Close Family ties also exist among the Northern clans through centuries of intermarriage.
After being disillusioned with Somalialnd and rejecting its secessionist agenda , the clans in Sool, Eastern Sanag and Ayn decided to join their relatives in the East to form Puntland in 1998. Things progressed smoothly until 15 October 2007 when Somaliland, with the aid of important local figures, captured Las Anod, the capital of Sool, Sanag and Ayn. The Puntland forces vacated the city without putting up any credible fight which looked as if it were a pre-arranged operation that many believe was brokered by Ethiopia which probably saw Las Anod as a security threat that required tighter control which was lacking under Puntland. The Sool, Sanag and Ayn clans fared poorly under Puntland. While the rest of Puntland progressed well with the aid of International donors and UN agencies, the Sool, Sanag and Ayn territories were painted as disputed territories that are no-go areas. All funds earmarked for the development of these areas was diverted to other areas in Puntland.
Fed up with the lack of progress in their territories and angered by the extended occupation of Las Anod by the secessionist-minded Somalialnd , the people of Sool, Sanag and Ayn convened a major conference in Taleh in January 2012 to form an administration of their own to cater for the development of their territories and the recovery of their capital from the secessionist-minded Somaliland administration. The city underwent a tragic transformation after it fell into the Somaliland hands. Many residents escaped into refugee camps in Kenya while many intellectuals lost their lives in mysterious circumstances. Masked killers targeted any individual capable of contributing to the development of the city. Even today, professors in the only University in the city refrain from performing the dawn and evening prayers in the mosques. These are the times in which the killers prey on their victims.
The Massacre
After the Khatumo administration completed an interim period of 18 months in office, the people of Sool, Sanag and Ayn decided to hold another major conference in Taleh known as Khatumo III in order to assess the progress made and to name a new administration with a parliament and more robust institutions.
Around 60 vehicles mounted with high-caliber weapons stormed the city in the early afternoon of 28 November 2013 in a blitz reminiscent of the Taleh bombardment in 1920 by the British. It was a brutal onslaught that resulted in the death and injury of innocent civilians. Some were murdered while relaxing in their homes. Among the dead is a famous poet who was instrumental in encouraging the Khatumo people to believe in their own administration. He was unarmed. His only weapon was his powerful prose.
It is worth mentioning that the Puntland Vice President never set foot in Taleh during his tenure of 5 years in Puntland; he never
bothered to tackle its lack of proper schools, health care facilities, clean water and job opportunities for the youth. When he and Farole felt threatened in the upcoming Puntland election, they decided to start a little war in Taleh against the Khatumo administration which never had any major military presence in the area. It seems that the intention of Farole and his Vice was to postpone the Puntland election on the pretext of insecurity in Puntland. They were probably counting on a drawn out armed conflict with the Khatumo administration. However, things got out of hand and instead of facing a Khatumo force, they ended up massacring innocent civilians which prompted them to withdraw their forces after a few days of mayhem. They left in their wake scores of widows and orphans.
Farole and his administration initially tried to portray the massacre as an incident between two clans in Taleh. However, they later
admitted openly that the purpose of the operation was to stop the Khatumo III conference and that the invading army was part of the Puntland security forces.
The massacre is compounded by the flagrant violation of the human rights of the people of Taleh. Freedom of association and freedom of meeting are the God-given rights of every human being. To kill innocent civilians exercising their right to meet is a major crime against humanity and should not be tolerated.
Concluding Remarks
President Farole and his Vice President committed atrocities in Taleh and these atrocities should not go unpunished. The ICC should start investigating the incident and bring both men to justice. The remoteness of Taleh should not prompt the International Community to look the other way. The life of a massacred Taleh resident should be worth the same as the life of a massacred Kenya or Syrian or for that matter any other massacred civilian in any corner of this world despite its remoteness and lack of media focus.
I also call upon the newly appointed Prime Minister of Somalia to form an investigative committee that can travel to Taleh in order to gather information about the massacre and forward its findings to the ICC.
Ali H. Abdulla
The Story of Taleh
The Somali freedom fighter Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan selected Taleh as the base for his 21 years of relentless struggle against the British colonialists that controlled most of the coastal areas of Northern Somalia. He built his famous fort in Taleh and directed his numerous expeditions from there. The fort was home to thousands of his followers and was eventually destroyed in 1920 by aerial bombardment. Thousands of non-combatants died in the indiscriminate bombing and thousands more perished because of starvation and disease. What happened to the Mao-Mao in Kenya who are now seeking compensation from the British is dwarfed by the death and destruction levied upon Taleh and tis inhabitants. Just like other nations in this world including the United States, the people of Taleh and many other areas in Somalia sacrificed their lives for a country free from the shackles of colonization by foreign powers.
The Politics of Taleh
After the collapse of the Somali government, the three rebel movements that destroyed Somalia and yet failed to agree on forming a national government, resorted to establishing clan-based enclaves known as the “Lands”. The Somali National Movement (SNM) created an enclave known as Somaliland which is dominated by one Clan. The Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF) created an enclave known as Puntland which is dominated by another clan. The third rebel movement, the United Somali Congress (USC) failed to establish a “land” but enjoyed the focus of the international community because of its control of Mogadishu, the Somali Capital.
The clans in Sool, Sanag and Ayn, an area between Puntland and Somalialnd faced a real dilemma. On the one hand, they share the same clan name with the sub-clans that dominate Puntland while they share a common colonial legacy with the clans that dominate Somalialnd. The Sool, Sanag and Ayn clans also share common grazing lands and major cultural and linguistic traits with the Somaliland clans. Close Family ties also exist among the Northern clans through centuries of intermarriage.
After being disillusioned with Somalialnd and rejecting its secessionist agenda , the clans in Sool, Eastern Sanag and Ayn decided to join their relatives in the East to form Puntland in 1998. Things progressed smoothly until 15 October 2007 when Somaliland, with the aid of important local figures, captured Las Anod, the capital of Sool, Sanag and Ayn. The Puntland forces vacated the city without putting up any credible fight which looked as if it were a pre-arranged operation that many believe was brokered by Ethiopia which probably saw Las Anod as a security threat that required tighter control which was lacking under Puntland. The Sool, Sanag and Ayn clans fared poorly under Puntland. While the rest of Puntland progressed well with the aid of International donors and UN agencies, the Sool, Sanag and Ayn territories were painted as disputed territories that are no-go areas. All funds earmarked for the development of these areas was diverted to other areas in Puntland.
Fed up with the lack of progress in their territories and angered by the extended occupation of Las Anod by the secessionist-minded Somalialnd , the people of Sool, Sanag and Ayn convened a major conference in Taleh in January 2012 to form an administration of their own to cater for the development of their territories and the recovery of their capital from the secessionist-minded Somaliland administration. The city underwent a tragic transformation after it fell into the Somaliland hands. Many residents escaped into refugee camps in Kenya while many intellectuals lost their lives in mysterious circumstances. Masked killers targeted any individual capable of contributing to the development of the city. Even today, professors in the only University in the city refrain from performing the dawn and evening prayers in the mosques. These are the times in which the killers prey on their victims.
The Massacre
After the Khatumo administration completed an interim period of 18 months in office, the people of Sool, Sanag and Ayn decided to hold another major conference in Taleh known as Khatumo III in order to assess the progress made and to name a new administration with a parliament and more robust institutions.
Somaliland
tried to stand against the first Khatumo administration formed in Taleh
in 2012 and even tried to capture its officials in Buhodle. Major
clashes ensued in which many people lost their lives. Puntland stayed on
the sidelines at that time except for vitriolic remarks from its
foul-mouthed president, Farole.
This time however, Puntland
decided to come out strongly against the Khatumo III Conference and sent
its vice president, who happens to be a Taleh native, to Taleh in
order to convince the Khatumo supporters in the city to stop organizing
the conference. When they refused, Farole and his Vice President decided
to send the Puntland security forces into Taleh to terrorized the
residents. They also planned to capture one of the the Khatumo president
and one of the traditional leaders who were in Taleh for helping
organize the Khatumo III Conference.Around 60 vehicles mounted with high-caliber weapons stormed the city in the early afternoon of 28 November 2013 in a blitz reminiscent of the Taleh bombardment in 1920 by the British. It was a brutal onslaught that resulted in the death and injury of innocent civilians. Some were murdered while relaxing in their homes. Among the dead is a famous poet who was instrumental in encouraging the Khatumo people to believe in their own administration. He was unarmed. His only weapon was his powerful prose.
It is worth mentioning that the Puntland Vice President never set foot in Taleh during his tenure of 5 years in Puntland; he never
bothered to tackle its lack of proper schools, health care facilities, clean water and job opportunities for the youth. When he and Farole felt threatened in the upcoming Puntland election, they decided to start a little war in Taleh against the Khatumo administration which never had any major military presence in the area. It seems that the intention of Farole and his Vice was to postpone the Puntland election on the pretext of insecurity in Puntland. They were probably counting on a drawn out armed conflict with the Khatumo administration. However, things got out of hand and instead of facing a Khatumo force, they ended up massacring innocent civilians which prompted them to withdraw their forces after a few days of mayhem. They left in their wake scores of widows and orphans.
Farole and his administration initially tried to portray the massacre as an incident between two clans in Taleh. However, they later
admitted openly that the purpose of the operation was to stop the Khatumo III conference and that the invading army was part of the Puntland security forces.
The massacre is compounded by the flagrant violation of the human rights of the people of Taleh. Freedom of association and freedom of meeting are the God-given rights of every human being. To kill innocent civilians exercising their right to meet is a major crime against humanity and should not be tolerated.
Concluding Remarks
President Farole and his Vice President committed atrocities in Taleh and these atrocities should not go unpunished. The ICC should start investigating the incident and bring both men to justice. The remoteness of Taleh should not prompt the International Community to look the other way. The life of a massacred Taleh resident should be worth the same as the life of a massacred Kenya or Syrian or for that matter any other massacred civilian in any corner of this world despite its remoteness and lack of media focus.
I also call upon the newly appointed Prime Minister of Somalia to form an investigative committee that can travel to Taleh in order to gather information about the massacre and forward its findings to the ICC.
Ali H. Abdulla
La mood noqonse wayday!
The Defection of the Ousted leader of Awdalstate will have no Impact on Awdalities’ resolve to rid themselves of Secessionists’ Stranglehold
By Mohamed F YabaragAwdalstate was formed a few years back by the Diaspora community and has a large following in the Awdal region of Somalia, particularly among the youth. A little-known outsider by the name Rashid Nur was tasked to lead the struggle against Hargiesa’s stranglehold on the region with massive and unwavering support of the Awdal Diaspora, particularly women who emptied their coffers to give much-needed financial support to what they considered as a noble cause. Having dismally failed to make any meaningful progress towards achieving the stated mission of Awdalstate during his short stint, Rashid Nur was in for a humiliating chop and the election of another leader was beckoning, scheduled to take place in October 2013, before he jumped the ship in treacherous fashion. To preempt such a humiliating dismissal, he started the negotiation of his unconditional surrender to the secessionists with his fellow relatives in “Somaliland”.
In a land where people of integrity and trustworthiness are far and few between, the idea of making a quick financial or political gain in the shape and manner of Sulaiman Xaglatoosiye immediately appealed to Rashid’s deluded little mind without giving the slightest thoughts of the consequences his imbecile actions may cause. Two employees representing Amoud Foundation, the well-respected charity group that built Al Hayat Hospital in Borama, who are also close relatives of the ousted leader, are believed to be the kingmakers behind Rashid’s treacherous defection. The short statement by Amoud Foundation that their organization has nothing to do with the facilitation by their employees of the defection of traitor Rashid may not be good enough to restore their well-earned reputation as an independent and charitable organization. They need to come clean on the issue by carefully considering the positions of the aforementioned employees who may have compromised the organization’s squeaky clean image.
While
the secessionists in Hargeisa have paid heavy price to capture
Xaglatoosiye – allegedly over hundred thousand dollars and the release
of hundreds of prisoners wrongfully jailed in Mandheera prison – the
ousted leader of Awdalstate and his collaborators, which numbered no
more than three close relatives, have pathetically come so cheap. The
fact that he was received at the airport by his immediate relatives and a
few Awdal politicians in “Somaliland” administration, and none from
Ahmed Silanyo’s so-called political heavyweights, indicates the
insignificance and pettiness of the former leader of Awdalstate. The
news of his disgraceful dismissal preceded him, making his defection
completely and utterly meaningless. Having failed to garner any
meaningful support from his fellow Awdalities, the deposed leader of
Awdalstate was on his toes and only needed the nod of the Governor of
Awdal in Dubai, Ahmed Silaanyo’s immediate cousin, to abandon his
long-held views on “Somaliland’s” secessionist agenda.
Now that he
has fallen into the hands of the secessionists with no support from his
fellow Awdalities, Rashid Nur is destined to be a forlorn figure among
the secessionists in Hargeisa. As for the thousands upon thousands of
Awdal supporters, his treacherous defection has simply strengthened
their resolve and gives them the chance to pursue their struggle more
robustly than ever before. Awdalstate will continue to be a force to
reckon with, and their gallant struggle to achieve their stated
objectives i.e. to be an integral part of an all-inclusive Somali state
will remain undiminished. In the meantime, the secessionists’ futile
endeavor to bribe their way towards statehood and international
recognition will, as always, end up with utter and complete failure as
has been the case for the past two barren decades. After all, the
international community is not prepared, or daft enough to endorse the
dismemberment of Somalia, particularly as the country is pulling its
acts together despite some obvious shortcomings. Moreover, bringing on
board a few political drop-outs, greedy scavengers and callous misfits
from the unionist communities will bring no political gain for the
secessionists in Hargeisa; they will continue to remain unrecognized and
in political limbo as the world community will not buy their fallacies.
And lastly, opportunists and traitors like Rashid Nur will end up on
the wrong side of history and rue the day they signed a pact with the
devilish secessionists when the dust finally settles down.Mohamed F Yabarag
Wardheernews Contributor
Email:Myabarag@gmail.com
Wednesday, December 18, 2013
Monday, December 9, 2013
Xasharo waa kuma?
Axmed Cabdi Xaashi (Xasharo) oo Muqdisho ku go'doon ahaa 25 sanno ee Hawiye Soomaali dhulka jiidayay ayaa laga yaabaa inay maanta u magacowdaan Prime Minister. Xasharo oo la dhashay halyeye Moxamed Cabdi Xaashi aadse uga karti yar ugana faham siyaasadeed liita ayaa wuxuu qolyaha Xamar u noqonayaa nin ay si fiican isu fahmaan. Anigga oo fikir badan ka haysta Xasharo ayaa waxaan hadda laga bilaabo u taaganahay inaanan waxba ka sheegin una aamuso. Taas waxaa na baray qolyaha SSDF oo doqonkoodana diric noogu sheego Diraca Daarood ee kalana doqon noogu sheega. Hadaad dib u fiirisid inta Raysal wasaare & madaxweyne soo maray illaa qaran jabkii waad qiyaasi kartaa xeeladda ay ciyaareen reer SSDF. Marxuum C/laahi Alle ha ka raali noqdee qaladkasta ha lahaado laakiin wuxuu ahaa nin karmeed. Qolyihii ka dambeeyay ee HAG u shaqeeyay labo SSDF & laba Mareexaan waxay ahaayeen rag raganimo liita.
Laakiin reer SSDF koodana waa daboolaan ragga kalana waa ku oriyaan. Hadda xaalkaygu waa laga barayba laga badi. Anigoo hoosta ka tasbiixsanaya inaan Xasharo na matalin hadana haddi HAG wax moodaan inta ugu yar ee aan samayn karaa waa inaan ka aamuso. Iyagaa na baray. Aaamusnaanta ayaan ugu dadaalaynaa!
Saturday, December 7, 2013
Tuesday, December 3, 2013
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